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From Tuesday's (2/8/94) Guardian (the British one), reproduced without
permission...

      ------------------------------------------------

                                 The Guardian
                                February  8, 1994
                                   SHAMROCK PINK
Homophobic Ireland? The Irish have a lot to teach straight Britain as
parliament prepares to vote on the age of consent. Alexandra Duval Smith on a
nation which no longer fears its gay citizens

by ALEXANDRA DUVAL SMITH


"WHAT do we want? Equality! When did we get it? Yesterday." That victory cry
echoed through the streets of Dublin on June 26 last year as 700 people on the
city's Lesbian and Gay Pride march celebrated the legalisation of homosexuality

and a common age of consent of 17.

The march to change had been a long one. It dated back to 1988 when David
Norris, a Trinity College lecturer, won a judgment at the European Court of
Human Rights in Strasbourg against the Irish ban on homosexual sex. But
Strasbourg's ruling that it was a breach of human rights for homosexuality
to be illegal did not compel the Irish government to introduce reform to
the extent that it eventually did.

Not only was a common age of consent introduced without the issue going to a
vote in the Dail, but no exception was allowed for the armed forces or merchant

navy; and sexual orientation was incorporated in the Unfair Dismissals Act.
Three years earlier, a new law, the Prohibition of Incitement to Hatred Act,
had been drawn up. Only four other countries in the world, none of them in
Europe, have similar laws to protect homosexuals from harassment and attacks.

Twenty-one-year-old Junior Larkin felt the tide of change most acutely when,
just before last Christmas, he went to Holyhead for a day with members of the
Dublin Youth Group - a social organisation for gays and lesbians under 25,
which has doubled in size to 100 members since decriminalisation. "We got
off the ferry in Britain and it suddenly dawned on me that we were illegal
again. The girls and boys holding hands and showing affection in public were
committing an offence - most were under 21, and even those that weren't
could have been Community News, a monthly gay rights publication. "It's quite
different here now. You see same sex couples holding hands in Grafton Street,
right in the centre of Dublin. People do stop and stare but it's with curiosity,
not malice," he says.

In common with most western countries, Irish law does not contain the
offence of gross indecency - under which British gay men are prosecuted for
consenting sex, even in private. In Britain, prosecutions will continue to be
brought under this law, whether British MPs vote for a gay age of consent of 16

or 18 when the issue comes to Parliament.

In Ireland, a desire to improve legislation inherited from Britain after
independence has helped fuel the impetus for change. The case that David Norris
took to Strasbourg with Mary Robinson, now president of Ireland, as his
barrister, challenged a British ban dating from 1855 which was incorporated in
Irish law in 1922 and never amended. "After we won our case in Strasbourg, the
Irish parliament could have turned to Britain for a model of legislation. But
there is a view here that we want to dump botched British reforms of pernicious

laws. We want to move away from this thing in the British psyche which seems to

need to discriminate. That isn't true of us. Neither do we have the temerity to

imply, as the British do with their higher age of consent for gay sex, that our

men are the most sexually immature in Europe," says Norris, who is now a
senator.

Nevertheless, Ireland is hardly the home of legal laissez-faire. It has
recent memories of bans on books and contraception, and the X-case of the
14-year-old girl who was prevented from travelling to Britain for an abortion. A

referendum on divorce is scheduled to be held in November, but few expect the
population to fly in the face of Roman Catholic teaching when they go to the
ballot box.

On the homosexual issue, however, the Roman Catholic church has refrained
from being obstructive, says Chris Robson of Glen - the Gay and Lesbian
Equality Network - which leads the campaign for an equal criminal law
in Ireland. "We talked and wrote to all the churches, asking them for no
more than neutrality on the issue. They took the point. In Ireland, the
churches have given up dogmatism. They see that people have changed since
the pill; since it became possible for people to see sex as more than
procreative," he says. According to Robson, the most energetic campaign against
   law
reform has come from a US-backed fundamentalist group, Family Solidarity,
which also fights abortion.

The Roman Catholic church's public neutrality on the issue has not affected
its own gay priests. According to one rural priest who regularly visits Dublin
to take advantage of its gay scene and who asked to remain anonymous, "We are
still all in the closet and expect it to stay that way. We are answerable to
the Vatican, after all. In a way, because most Roman Catholics treat the
doctrine as advisory rather than dogmatic, they can live with it. Italy, for
example, is a good Catholic country with a common age of consent of 16."

Joan Rippingale, the protestant mother of a 23-year-old gay man, is a
counsellor for Parents' Enquiry, a support group for the mothers and fathers of

Irish lesbians and gay men. "I am in my fifties and had a strict, puritanical
background in which homosexuality was never mentioned. There is still a lot of
that in Northern Ireland, with the Rev Ian Paisley's 'Save Ulster from Sodomy'
campaign. But I don't think that the Roman Catholics in Ireland who ring
me are really struggling with any religious conflict over their child's
homosexuality.
However, they used to be very worried about the illegality of the thing."

Because of the Unionists' hard line on homosexuality and the danger that
they would scupper any move to lower the age of consent in Britain from 21, gay

campaigners in London have asked politicians to exclude Northern Ireland from
Westminster's impending vote on the subject.

One of the greatest contrasts remains between the cities - Dublin and Cork -
and rural Ireland. In Dublin, the pink punt is at work in the pockets of
lesbians and gays in the arts, business and media worlds. There are
night-clubs where the unusually cohesive lesbian and gay communities dance
together; a newly-refurbished pub in the centre called the George; there
are two saunas, and one more on the way; the gay and lesbian Hirschfeld Centre i
   n
Temple Bar; a monthly newspaper; and gay societies at University College and
Trinity College. Apart from one lesbian and gay restaurant in Cork and a few
gay-friendly B&Bs, rural Ireland offers little. A gay journalist at RTE, who
asked to remain anonymous, says: "I am 'out' at work and things have certainly
got more relaxed in Dublin since the law changed. But when I go home to the
countryside, all that is known about me is that I am a bachelor. Since I am in
my forties, they may make assumptions about my sexuality but nothing will ever
be said."

Even in Dublin, where people who are openly gay are beginning to come to the
fore - the novelist Emma Donoghue and the lesbian pop group Zrazy among them -
some classic problems remain, including assaults in cruising areas and
discrimination.  "I am considered a pretty good lecturer," says Norris, "but I
have never been promoted. They used to say I couldn't possibly be ambitious if I

was devoting so much time to the gay cause. If I had been on the golf course,
they would never have said such a thing."

By and large, however, Ireland is riding on a tide of reform that is
palpable.  Arthur Leahy, who helps run the Other Place, a Cork restaurant with
a large gay clientele, says there is an air of change sweeping through Irish
society: "Identity, sexuality and security are hard to quantify but people are
proud to see Ireland leading the way. They feel stronger because
decriminalisation is a statement of intent in a bigger way than just in the
rule of the law."

Chris Robson says health education had become considerably easier. "There
used to be funding but it didn't last long - one scheme in Cork was helped to
the tune of pounds 700 - a subsidy for printing leaflets - but that was
withdrawn when the authorities received legal advice that they were supporting
an illegal activity. That can't happen anymore."

Paul Jordan, auditor of University College Dublin's gay and lesbian group
said: "We spent years playing charades with the authorities - putting up
condom machines only to see them taken down the next day. Now the college
installs them and takes the profits. We are pleased though that for our
Pride Week this year, we have managed to push Guinness to sponsor us to
the tune of a keg and half."

